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  1. Comprehension demands modulate re-reading, but not first-pass reading behavior

    Several studies have examined effects of explicit task demands on eye movements in reading. However, there is relatively little prior research investigating the influence of implicit processing demands. In this study, processing demands were... mehr

     

    Several studies have examined effects of explicit task demands on eye movements in reading. However, there is relatively little prior research investigating the influence of implicit processing demands. In this study, processing demands were manipulated by means of a between-subject manipulation of comprehension question difficulty. Consistent with previous results from Wotschack and Kliegl, the question difficulty manipulation influenced the probability of regressing from late in sentences and re-reading earlier regions; readers who expected difficult comprehension questions were more likely to re-read. However, this manipulation had no reliable influence on eye movements during first-pass reading of earlier sentence regions. Moreover, for the subset of sentences that contained a plausibility manipulation, the disruption induced by implausibility was not modulated by the question manipulation. We interpret these results as suggesting that comprehension demands influence reading behavior primarily by modulating a criterion for comprehension that readers apply after completing first-pass processing.

     

    Export in Literaturverwaltung   RIS-Format
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    Quelle: BASE Fachausschnitt Germanistik
    Sprache: Englisch
    Medientyp: Aufsatz aus einer Zeitschrift
    Format: Online
    DDC Klassifikation: Sprache (400)
    Schlagworte: Psycholinguistik; Experimentelle Psychologie; Augenfolgebewegung; Textverstehen; Leseverstehen
    Lizenz:

    rightsstatements.org/page/InC/1.0/ ; info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess

  2. Dissociating word frequency and predictability effects in reading: Evidence from coregistration of eye movements and EEG
    Erschienen: 2020
    Verlag:  Washington : American Psychological Association

    Two very reliable influences on eye fixation durations in reading are word frequency, as measured by corpus counts, and word predictability, as measured by cloze norming. Several studies have reported strictly additive effects of these 2 variables.... mehr

     

    Two very reliable influences on eye fixation durations in reading are word frequency, as measured by corpus counts, and word predictability, as measured by cloze norming. Several studies have reported strictly additive effects of these 2 variables. Predictability also reliably influences the amplitude of the N400 component in event-related potential studies. However, previous research suggests that while frequency affects the N400 in single-word tasks, it may have little or no effect on the N400 when a word is presented with a preceding sentence context. The present study assessed this apparent dissociation between the results from the 2 methods using a coregistration paradigm in which the frequency and predictability of a target word were manipulated while readers’ eye movements and electroencephalograms were simultaneously recorded. We replicated the pattern of significant, and additive, effects of the 2 manipulations on eye fixation durations. We also replicated the predictability effect on the N400, time-locked to the onset of the reader’s first fixation on the target word. However, there was no indication of a frequency effect in the electroencephalogram record. We suggest that this pattern has implications both for the interpretation of the N400 and for the interpretation of frequency and predictability effects in language comprehension.

     

    Export in Literaturverwaltung   RIS-Format
      BibTeX-Format
    Quelle: BASE Fachausschnitt Germanistik
    Sprache: Englisch
    Medientyp: Aufsatz aus einer Zeitschrift
    Format: Online
    DDC Klassifikation: Sprache (400)
    Schlagworte: Psycholinguistik; Experimentelle Psychologie; Blickbewegung; Worthäufigkeit; Elektrophysiologie
    Lizenz:

    rightsstatements.org/page/InC/1.0/ ; info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess